The Gospel Of Wealth By Andrew Carnegie - 1180 Words

Wealth can be defined as a surplus. This surplus is distributed among a society. The distribution creates associations among the people of the society with respect to wealth. The Gospel of Wealth, written by Andrew Carnegie, describes two classes and the association of wealth between them. Adam Smith’s passage, Of the Natural Progress of Opulence, similarly, includes a reciprocal relationship of production between the town and country. Unlike the other essays, Marx’s, Communist Manifesto, debunks the separation of classes and urges equal distribution of wealth and, The Position of Poverty, Galbraith’s composition, emphasizes the importance of wealth in the public sector to abolish poverty. The essays all have a common structure of the distribution of wealth and include some insight on how to maintain the distribution or how to alter it so that it is more beneficial to society. Carnegie, Smith, Marx, and Galbraith explain the distribution of wealth and it’s affects on society. The millionaires and the poor in Carnegie’s essay, The Gospel of Wealth, are connected on a continuum, and it inevitably creates brotherhood among the classes. The continuum begins with the responsibility of the millionaires to distribute their wealth. Carnegie defines wealth as a surplus. This surplus, Carnegie says, is best used when it is distributed back into society in order to benefit society. The wealth is used to create things, like libraries and institutions, in order to educate the poor. ThisShow MoreRelatedAndrew Carnegie And The Gospel Of Wealth957 Words   |  4 PagesAndrew Carnegie (1835-1919) is a prime example of the phrase, from rags to riches. During his early and teenage years, Carnegie went through poverty. After coming up with crafty investments and going through various jobs, he rose to great prosperity. Because he has experienced poverty and knows that it is a well-known problem, â€Å"Carnegie sought to use philanthropy to provi de opportunities for individuals to help themselves.† Unlike Carnegie, William Graham Sumner (1840-1910), an influential professorRead MoreThe Gospel Of Wealth By Andrew Carnegie Essay918 Words   |  4 Pageslower class remained at the bottom, the separation continues to grow. Three men vocalize their views on the social division, capitalism, and individualism. Andrew Carnegie, an industrialist, believed the rich should distributed their wealth to benefit society while they’re alive. Carnegie elaborates this idea in his article, The Gospel of Wealth, written in 1889. Russell Conwell, a philanthropist, expresses in his speech, Acres of Diamonds, men should utilize their surrounding opportunities to makeRead MoreAndrew Carnegie Gospel Of Wealth1161 Words   |  5 Pages Andrew Carnegie was a Scottish immigrant, born in 1835. His first foray into the world of work was as a bobbin boy, at the age of 13, where he earned $1.20 per week. Carnegie quickly gained skills and proved his work ethic, until he landed a job with the Pennsylvania Railroad, and was promoted to superintendent by the age of 24 (Carnegie.org, 2015). From there, Carnegie’s vision and success grew exponentially, and now his name is often mentioned alongside the likes of Henry Ford, ThomasRead MoreAndrew Carnegie The Gospel Of Wealth Summary1044 Words   |  5 PagesAndrew Carnegies The Gospel of Wealth: Why Now? Makayla Newberne, The Times’ Editor in Chief In case you missed reading the June, 1889 issue of the North American Review, Andrew Carnegie submitted some words of wisdom entitled â€Å"The Gospel of Wealth†. In this article, Carnegie shares his beliefs as to what the moral obligations of the wealthy are to their fellow citizens. Andrew Carnegie, a Scottish immigrate to the United States in 1848, is a self-made millionaire and agreeable one of the richestRead MoreEssay on The Gospel of Wealth, by Andrew Carnegie975 Words   |  4 PagesIn the â€Å"Gospel of wealth†, Andrew Carnegie argues that it is the duty of the wealthy entrepreneur who has amassed a great fortune during their lifetime, to give back to those less fortunate. Greed and selfishness may force some readers to see these arguments as preposterous; however, greed is a key ingredient in successful competition. It forces competitors to perform at a higher level than their peers in hopes of obtaining more money and individual wealth. A capitalist society that allows thisRead MoreAndrew Carnegie on the Gospel of Wealth1250 Words   |  5 PagesAndrew Carnegie was born in Dunfermline, Scotland in 1835. His father, Will, was a weaver and a follower of Chartism, a popular movement of the British working class that called for the masses to v ote and to run for Parliament in order to help improve conditions for workers. The exposure to such political beliefs and his familys poverty made a lasting impression on young Andrew and played a significannot role in his life after his family immigrated to the United States in 1848. Andrew CarnegieRead MoreAdam Smith And Andrew Carnegie And The Gospel Of Wealth1260 Words   |  6 Pagescontinuous disparity of wealth and income can cause constant economic problems within a society. Although it is not apparent all the time, there are few benefits of discrepancy itself such as individual wealth, capital, and labor. Both Smith and Carnegie have distinct beliefs about wealth that differentiate from one another, yet are similar in certain ways. Adam Smith confined all his ideas about the common man in his â€Å"Wealth of Nations†. Whereas, in the â€Å"Gospel of Wealth,† Andrew Carnegie had distinct beliefsRead MoreAnalysis Of Andrew Carnegie s The Gospel Of Wealth1950 Words   |  8 PagesOld Money Spoils There are many dangers of leaving great sums of inheritance money to the children of those who accumulated their own fortunes. Andrew Carnegie, a self-made philanthropist millionaire who gave away $350 million and built 2,509 libraries before his death in 1919, sees this as a great problem as well and writes about it in â€Å"The Gospel of Wealth;† along with how he believes that the highest obligation of those who have amassed a great fortune is to return their money to the societies whereRead MoreEssay about The True Gospel of Wealth: Andrew Carnegie.698 Words   |  3 PagesTrue Gospel of Wealth: Andrew Carnegie The True Gospel of Wealth, an article written by one of the richest, most powerful men of the 19th century, is a guide to a nation virgin to mass amounts of wealth, and power. Carnegie is a self made millionaire, who immigrated to the United States with less than a dollar in his pocket. This fact would serve important in Carnegies epic rise to fortune, also in developing such philosophical understandings as, The True Gospel of Wealth. Andrew CarnegieRead MoreJessica Avalos Avalos 1. Professor1114 Words   |  5 Pagesindustrialist, such as Andrew Carnegie, there were many differences of opinions on the execution of capitalism between these industrialists and their workers. Andrew Carnegie expressed his ideas and views in article, â€Å"The Gospel of Wealth,† in which he outlines the duties of industrialist to better the life of their workers and community. On the other hand, a working man wrote â€Å"A Work Mans Prayer,† a sarcastic response to Andrew Carnegies â€Å"The Gospel of Wealth,† clearly against what Andrew Carnegie believes and

Asian-American´s Suicide - 1143 Words

According to research, California State Fullerton professor Eliza Noh states that Asian-American women of the age 15 to 24 have the highest rates of suicide than any other racial, ethnic, or gender group. The â€Å"model minority† pressure—â€Å"socially produced pressure internalized by families of some Asian-American children to be high achievers at school and professionally†Ã¢â‚¬â€plays a large factor to the issue, especially since girls, who are more affected by it than boys, are expected to become the â€Å"perfect mother, daughter, wife and get only A’s in school and choose the right type of job,† (Cruz 1). Noh adds on, saying that Asian-American women have a tendency â€Å"to ignore or deny stress, depression and other mental health problems† which â€Å"can†¦show more content†¦Ã¢â‚¬Å"There’s a cultural practice of dealing with distress and feelings on your own before burdening others with them,† clinical psych ologist and Palo Alto University assistant professor Joyce Chu explains. â€Å"By the time [Asian-American women] seek professional help, the severity of their mental health problems are much higher than compared to every other group,† (Mu 1). Within my household, feelings of deep sorrow and despair have never been discussed between the members of my family. It is important to keep up the appearance that there is nothing out of place so, even though I sometimes confide in my friends, the act of confessing my sadness is kept to a minimal because of how unusual it feels. Losing face is a well-known concept among other Asian culture: Unlike individualistic cultures, shame and honor go far beyond the indi ¬vidual, and reflect directly upon ones’ family, nation, or other group, and so is taken very seriously. Maintaining good face is a kind of measurement of how well one has maintained faith to traditional values, and ones’ social standing among others. It serves as a strong control mechanism which reinforces all other Asian values. (Hu 1) This is likely one of the main reasons why many Asian-American women do not seek psychological help, because it is not only embedded in them to keep up the appearance of happiness and good health, but the shame that comes with itShow MoreRelatedWhat Is The Total Population In The City Of Murphy, Texas?1628 Words   |  7 Pagessources as appropriate. The City of Murphy reports that there are â€Å"54.9% Whites, 23.4% Asians,10.7% Blacks,7.8% Hispanics, 2.5% two or more races, 0.4% American Indian, 0.2% of other races and 0.05% of Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander alone† (Murphy, Texas 2017). The State of Texas, there are â€Å"79.4 % White, 12.8% Black or African American, 1.0% American Indian and Alaska Native, 4.8% Asian, 0.1% Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander, 1.9% Two or More Race, and 38.1% Hispanic orRead MorePresident Donald Trumps Diplomatic Tour Of Asi Case Analysis1152 Words   |  5 Pageswithin the Asian-Pacific Region to the steadily growing Chinese economy. While there are many factors outlined by Heydrian that can contribute to the United States’ waning influence, such as rising nationalism between both nations, the state of American-Chinese military affairs, and the North Korean crisis, we will focus on the defining issue at hand; the Trans-Pacific Partnership. Heydrian presents 3 different viewpoints on how the United States is essentially â€Å"committing suicide† by leavingRead MoreMental Health : A Growing Concern Within The Indian American Communities1380 Words   |  6 Pagesare a growing concern within the Indian American communities in the United States. First generation born Indian Americans are experiencing mental health concerns far greater than the generation before them. What are the causes of this rise in mental health issues? Mental health issues are not foreign to any ethnic or racial group. Mental health concerns can and do affect individuals across are all social, socio-economic, racial and ethnic divides (â€Å"Suicide Facts at a Glance,† 2015). The concern inRead MoreModern Day Chinatown Essays1627 Words   |  7 Pagescreating a safe haven for Asian acceptance and mutual cooperation. Fae Myenne Ngs Bone is an account of a Chinese immigrant familys struggle with the Asian American experience in San Franciscos Chinatown from the 1960s to 1990s. Bone portrays the struggle for Chinatown families to find acceptance within their community and within the family itself, depicting the tensions arising from both poor economic circumstances and internal family conflicts. Unlike Euro-American immigrants, Chinese immigrantsRead More The Ethical Use of the Life Attitude Schedule1731 Words   |  7 Pages One of the leading causes of deaths in adolescents and young adults is suicide. The leading cause of death is accidents. Many that do not commit suicde have had at least thoughts about it. The Life Attitude Schedule was developed to assess the activities of adolescents and young adults. The tool divides both positive and negative factors in one’s life. The clinical studies identified students that were in the study that were at least. The instrument showed great promise but needed toRead MoreAssisted Suicide By Mary Ersek899 Words   |  4 PagesPart One In the article of â€Å"Assisted Suicide† by Mary Ersek, RN, PhD, she gives the reader a broad view of the terms that are used for assisted suicide and how the reader will view the topic based off of their own beliefs and responsibilities. To clarify on the topic she gives the reader terms which are, assisted suicide, active euthanasia, and withdrawing or withholding life-sustaining therapy. Assisted suicide, according to Mary, involves providing the patient with the means (usually a prescriptionRead MoreThe Basic Values Of Confucianism Essay1154 Words   |  5 PagesMany Asian cultures have religions that are deep rooted, which date back thousands of years. Although Confucius was Chinese, Confucianism has been practiced throughout all of Asia. In Korea, many of the practices when it comes to aging is based on the Confucian value of Filial Piety. â€Å"In Confucian philosophy, filial piety is a virtue of respect for one s parents, elders, and ancestors† CITATION Wik16 l 1033 (Filial piety, n.d.). This is one of the three basic values of Confucianism, but often itRead MoreA Community That Effects The Lifestyle Of The Elderly Essay1186 Words   |  5 Pagesthree important influences on the treatment of this community of people. Many Asian cultures have religions that are deep rooted, which date back thousands of years. Although Confucius was Chinese, Confucianism has been practiced throughout all of Asia. In Korea, many of the practices when it comes to aging is based on the Confucian value of Filial Piety. â€Å"In Confucian philosophy, filial piety is a virtue of respect for one s parents, elders, and ancestors.† ( HYPERLINK http://www.wikipedia.orgwwwRead MoreThe Chinese American Identity By Fae Myenne Ng1639 Words   |  7 PagesThe Chinese-American Identity Fae Myenne Ng is a contemporary Chinese-American author who is known for her first written novel, Bone. Her debut novel was published in 1993 and the story is told through the eyes of the main character, Leila Leong. Leila tells the story of her family’s history and the events that unfold following the suicide of her sister. As Leila’s story progresses, themes of identity and family life are revealed. Leila and her two sisters border the line between American and ChineseRead MoreWho Am I?: Individualistic and Collectivist Identities Essay1172 Words   |  5 Pagesidentity as well, especially when assumed identity expectations are not met. For example, there is an increasing rate of suicide among Asian American students after perceived failure, and this is attributed to a cultural tendency to avoid losing face among their peers in a society where failure is not only an individual failure, but a familial and group failure as well. Asian American students see â€Å"...no t getting good grades often means failing to achieve [their] destiny and thereby failing [their]

The Bystander Effect Free Essays

When the terms feelings, thoughts, and behavior are brought up, one does not automatically think these are quantifiable variables. To social psychologist, these words make up the basis of their studies. Trends have also been studied, tested, and analyzed as a way to understand the outcome of actions. We will write a custom essay sample on The Bystander Effect or any similar topic only for you Order Now They study what one is feeling, how those emotions are affecting that person’s thoughts, and how, or if, those thoughts become incentives or something that produces an action. Together, those analyses’ make up behavioral trends. Sociologists have been studying behavioral trends for decades, especially how people react in groups to a situation or stimulus. Researchers do not only study the behavior of people in a certain group but also how they act, as a whole, in society or within a culture. Psychologists have come to find that the way a person acts influences others either positively or negatively. Behavior, above all other things, describes why the bystander effect happens. In 1968, Bibb Latane and John Darley were the first to demonstrate the bystander effect. Darley and Latane arrived at the conclusion that the number of people within an area influences the likelihood of intervention during an emergency (Latane and Darley, 1968). Emergency, in this definition, refers to a number of situations such as a murder, someone that is homeless, or a person being ridiculed or discriminated against. It could be a person that was hit by an automobile or a child that was abandoned from a car and left to walk home. The bystander effect also influences the likelihood of someone reporting an emergency such as smoke coming from another room or a vent. After this phenomenon was introduced, Latane and Steve Nida (1981) explained it was the most replicated effect in social psychology according to their review (p. 305). Many factors are taken into account as to why this social phenomenon exists. Diffusion of responsibility and pluralistic ignorance, to name a few, describe how groups are influenced by the bystander effect. Some case studies, that have been conducted, do not support the effect though. Altruism, personality, and morals are why people get involved occurs. Imagine there is a man lying on the stairs in front of an office building in the middle of a city. He is an average looking man in jeans and a plain t-shirt. The man appears to be hurt because he is face down and moaning. Many people stop to assess the situation. Here is where the diffusion of responsibility takes place. Diffusion of responsibility is the concept that each person is only responsible for an equal proportion of effort base on the number of people in a group (Latane and Darley, 1968). Considering it is a busy city, many people do not have time to stop and check to see if he is all right. No one is assigned to take accountability for a person in distress. All the people that see the man, and notice that something is wrong, automatically pin the responsibility on everyone else, figuring others will intervene. It is stated that as the number of bystanders [increases], the amount of responsibility any one bystander bears [decreases] (as cited in What Is Psychology 2002, p. 503). If there were one hundred passersby walking past that hurt man, the likelihood of anyone stopping is very low. When the liability of interference is singled out or placed upon one person, contribution to the circumstances is very high. There are a number of reasons why the diffusion of responsibility takes place. People that are aware of an emergency tend to look at what others are doing because they are inclined to follow normal behavior. People imitate what others are doing in order to achieve a sense of normalcy. Some people do not want to assess a situation incorrectly. For example, the man mentioned above may be hurt but to some people he may appear drunk. Witnesses sometime believe everyone else knows something they do not know. One person might have been watching that man drinking out of a bottle from a brown, paper bag. So assuming it was alcohol, the witness does not get involved which influences everyone else around that had not seen him drinking. If no one else is helping him, it gives other people the impression that the man in pain is not in need of assistance because of the unconscious control people have over one another. During an emergency, observers have the choice to analyze the situation and act or fail to act. People who fail to act usually fall victim to cognitive biases. When reasoning is distorted, immoral decisions are frequently made. Floyd Allport reported that pluralistic ignorance explain events in which virtually all members of a group privately reject norms yet believe that virtually all other group members accept them (p. 348). It is a bias when people follow a fallacy by rejecting a norm, which might not be the correct way to deal with an emergency. One of Latane and Darley’s first case studies was the influence of people in a smoke filled room. A number of confederates were in a controlled room with one person who was unaware of the test. They were filling out surveys when all of a sudden fake smoke started to fill the room. No one had noticed or said anything about the emergency. The woman that was being tested was fully aware of the situation but because of pluralistic ignorance, she did not report the smoke (Latane and Darley, 1968). When it is perceived or known that one person in the room comprehends what is happening and they are not doing anything, it influences the rest of the group because his or her opinion is casted onto the bystanders that what is happening is okay. Similar to this cognitive bias, false-consensus effect describes why diffusion of responsibility occurs. It is the tendency for people to project their own opinions when predicting the attitude, opinions, and behaviors of others (Ross, Greene, House, 1977). This cognitive bias states that individuals believe to share the same beliefs or opinions as others, which is related to the bystander effect in the sense that people seem to project their thoughts onto those around them. People that prefer to follow a crowd portray why humans act out the bystander effect. As a result, the herd behavior or the bandwagon effect arises. If there is a man face down on the street and everyone is calmly walking around him, the chances are that everyone else will follow suit. Whatever decision the leader of the herd makes, the rest of the pack is sure to follow. Animals tend to walk in packs with one or more leaders and numerous followers, which keep them safe. Similarly, people want to conform to everyone else. The word society makes us human; without it, we are animals. We do what we need to stay alive and to protect others and ourselves; that is, until threats to our lives are taken into consideration. Carrie Keating, a psychologist at Colgate University, proves a point when saying; â€Å"We use [a] sort of intuition to get a sense of how dangerous people are† (Keating, 2008). If people see that an emergency is too dangerous, one will more than likely not take action. The least one can do is call the police and notify them of any violence. Neglecting the possibility is also another cognitive bias that people fall under during the bystander effect. It is that a person completely rejects any possibility when trying to decide something under uncertainty, or ambiguity. The more ambiguous the situation is, the less likely people are to intervene (Bickman, 1971). This goes back to people wanting to do what is normal. If there is a child being hauled away by a man, one can easily mistake the situation for a misbehaved son or daughter, when in fact, the man is a kidnapper. It is embarrassing to intrude on a situation that is misinterpreted. Neglecting the possibility that a child is being abducted, or that someone else will take care of the dilemma, makes it easier to stay out of the way. When there are fewer people around to distribute responsibility to, people tend to have all the weight on their shoulders. The responsibility is distributed among the other people and you are not singled out. People that are not in groups but are singled out tend to have excuses of their own that fall into other cognitive motives. Some excuses are that they were in a hurry and did not notice anything. Some people do not want to get into any legal processes. People like to mind there own business so if there was a woman getting verbally abused in a park, people tend to think it is none of their business. People are not expected to intervene if the situation looks like it is a dispute between couples or between spouses. Keating explained, on ‘What Would You Do’ that some people do not help men or woman that look low class or high class. They seem to help people that appear to be in the same rank as them (Keating, 2009). People think that just because they are not certified doctors that they have no sense in even stopping to help someone that is injured. Colin Tukuitonga and Andrew Bindman say that some men and women do not stand up for people of other cultures, religions, ethnicities (2002), or opinions. An episode of ‘What Would You Do? ’ revealed that people praised a clerk for not serving a Muslim customer even though she was from America. Another episode exposed a young girl to verbal abuse by three other girls but because it was not physical, no one saw a reason to intervene. Sometimes the situation looks to dangerous and witnesses think of themselves rather then the danger of someone involved. Don Hockenbury stated that when the personal cost for helping outweighs the benefits, the likelihood of helping decreases (p. 527), the costs being embarrassment, danger, and an endeavor. In rare cases, the number of people in an area does not influence the likelihood of a bystander helping or reporting an emergency. Prosocial behavior describes the social interaction when people help others knowing there will be no reward. It contradicts everything that psychologists study about decreased intervention. Altruism is a selfless way of decision-making where a person puts their general welfare in danger to help another in need without expecting a reward. People like to think of it as a moral obligation towards a person. Irving Piliavin, and others (1969), conducted an experiment on New York’s underground subway. Even though it is a busy subway, ninety percent of the witnesses helped an apparent disabled person when they fell down. When a drunken confederate fell over, twenty percent of the people on the subway helped the person. Piliavin concluded that bystanders see others as responsible for their own situation. Society is less prone to help those responsible for their predicaments. He also concluded that participation strengthens when a person seems similar to them. In addition, when they perceive the situation is not the victim’s fault, such as if the person is unable to help him or herself (ex. lderly or disabled), intervention strengthens. People who are more attractive seem to get help faster then those who are unattractive. (Piliavin, 1969) According to Jane Pivialin and Hong-wen Charng (1990), factors that increase the likelihood of bystanders helping include the â€Å"feel good, do good† effect, guilt, seeing others helping, deserved help, knowing how to help, and rela tionships (p. 526 – 537). When a person is in a good mood, they are quick to help someone in need. Your conscious is a major influence on yourself. It tells you whether a decision is a good one or not. When one person has all the responsibility to intervene, that person feels obligated to make a move. If the person fails to fail, guilt sets in and intervention occurs. Morals also come into effect while deciding to intervene. If someone was brought up to do the right thing, that person will help or report a person or situation. Empathy also determines how people will act. People, that have experienced the same situation that someone is going through, will more than likely act upon what their conscious is telling them to do because they know it is the right thing. For someone that used to be homeless, one will help someone asking for food or spare change. Whenever one person helps, a group seems to form, which strengthens the alliance. If one person has to carry ten rocks from point A to point B, those stones are going to be very heavy. If you have nine other people working with you to complete the task, the weight of the rock that one person has to carry, decreases provided each person carries one stone. The responsibility is distributed among the other people and the task is accomplished more efficiently. When someone intervenes, people also follow and then unconsciously form a group to ward off the violent person. When individuals act and get involved, it empowers stander-bys to take responsibility for their society and it allows an opening to appear so others can also help. People that are stronger, more aggressive, or sympathetic seem to be of the dominate group of interveners while ambiguity slows down intervention â€Å"†¦The more crystal clear the situation, the faster intervention occurs† (Keating, 2008). When a woman is screaming as a man drags her through a park, ambiguity occurs. Until that woman specifies to onlookers what is happening, people most likely do not mediate between the two, whether they are related or complete strangers. Relation to the person in need increases likelihood too. William Howard and William Crano (1974) studied the effects of gender in relations to the bystander effect (p. 491- 507). Amoung many other psychologists, Howard and Crano hypothesized that men are more motivated to act in the case of an emergency then woman. Conversely, they concluded that men and women do effect the whether intervention takes place; they are equally present in the bystander effect. Marie and John Tisak, psychologists of Bowling Green State University, reported that whether it is direct family, friends, or simply acquaintances, those factors increase likelihood. Small talk and eye contact towards the victim automatically trigger a connection and when that connection is made, one feels associated with the other and is quicker to speak out for that person. Likewise, if the witness knows the aggressor, the witness is also more likely to step in. The type of relationship determines the likelihood. Relatives or very close friends to the bystander increase intruding whereas friends or acquaintances decrease likelihood (Tisak Tisak, 1996). Many factors are correlated as to why intervention happens. Many famous events took place across history that people may not think as being the bystander effect. One of the first cases ever recorded was from the bible. Samaritan is the word that describes a charitable or helpful person but it also holds a more powerful meaning. A Jewish man traveling from Jerusalem to Jericho had been stopped by thieves who robbed him, beat him, and left him to die on the side of the road. A priest walked by and pretended not to notice the suffering man. A Levite, who was also a church official, looked at him and proceeded to walk on the other side of the street. The third man, a Samaritan, came across the man. It was evident that the Samaritan would not stop because Jews and Samaritans were enemies. He caught sight of the dying man and came to his aid. He brought him to a nearby inn to restore health and paid for his recovery (Luke 10: 25-37). It is hard to believe that the priest and Levite did not stop because of the bystander effect, but only because there was no compassion. The Holocaust is another time in history were the bystander effect was realized. Everyone fell victim to being a bystander. If society tries to state otherwise, they are saying that the Holocaust was not as horrifying as everyone made it to be. The entire world knew about the death of the Jews but no one said anything, not because no one else was taking a stand, but the fear of being executed filled their minds. Psychologists namely study feelings, thoughts, and behaviors and how each relates. By comprehending that concept, psychologists then go into detail and study groups and how they influence individuals, vice versa. John Darley and Bibb Latane hypothesized that the numbers of people in an area influence individual’s reactions to a response. After numerous controlled case studies, Darley and Latane concluded that the number of people does influence human behavior during an emergency. After this conclusion, the bystander effect became one of the most renown and replicated studies in psychology. Psychologists, such as Steve Nida and Floyd Allport, have been significant contributors in the development of this behavioral effect. Pluralistic ignorance and diffusion of responsibility are two major reasons that decrease the likelihood of intervention, among many other reasons. Altruism and morals, to name a few, enhance the likelihood that someone will interfere. There are many historical events that take place before the bystander effect happened Albert Einstein once said â€Å"No amount of experimentation can ever prove me right; a single experiment can prove me wrong† (as cited by Calaprice, 2005). Which is a true statement because unless the case studies conducted are flawless and show a constant correlation between each data entry, nothing can be proven right. There are always biases and errors when researchers document data. There is no definite, reliable source to base information off because no one’s research can be one hundred percent accurate. When research is confirmed by a community it is usually accepted to be precise and true. When a theory appears in psychology and people begin to test it, replication of the same case studies can show bias. Surveys that are taken on a computer or filled out on paper are not a true representation of what the general population would do in an emergency. The person has to experience the conditions to predict what they would do. Anyone can say that he or she would be the hero but when it comes time to stand up to an aggressive man, the meek, twenty year old would most likely shy away. The bystander effect has many different levels of complexity. Psychologists, when performing case studies on bystander effect, fail to record the mood someone is in which, from above, shows that it has an effect on whether someone responds to a stimulus. Attributions, altruism, morals, personality along with others explain why people intervene. Age defies the laws of the bystander effect. The size of a group does not matter to a child; they will not intervene. Alcohol consumption, mental health, maturity, ambiguity, experience, and reaction time are reasons that have to be taken into account when testing subjects and using the data to represent a statistic. It is all there in the numbers but they can also be misleading sometimes. We just have to believe that what researchers are telling us is true. Therefore, I agree with my hypothesis, to an extent, that the number of people in an area influences the likelihood of intervention. I do believe that certain people look to others when determining what to do in an emergency. I also confirm that the reason some people do not intervene is that they are following social norms and by doing so they do not get involved because they do not want to assess a situation inaccurately. The bystander effect is a very complex behavioral trend that involves a lot of testing and analysis. I do not believe that it can be proven completely true in less than forty years or in one semester by a first year student. More research is to be done. How to cite The Bystander Effect, Papers

Accounting Learning and Online Communication for Niche Market

Question: Discuss about the Accounting Learning and Online Communication for Niche Market. Answer: Calculation of Contribution Margin Calculation of contribution margin Products Anxiety disorder treatment Stimulating tumour immunity Cancer stem cells drug Selling price per unit $ 5,000.00 $ 3,000.00 $ 8,000.00 Less variable cost per unit $ 3,500.00 $ 1,800.00 $ 6,200.00 Contribution per unit $ 1,500.00 $ 1,200.00 $ 1,800.00 Contribution margin per unit 30% 40% 23% Different Contribution Margin Unless the company belongs to the niche market, it will not consider being a good business if the company only sells the product with same range of piece or contribution margin. If it dies so, it will mean that the company is appealing to only 1section of customers rather than considering the large market sector. With consideration that Bionomics provide various treatment related to anxiety, tumour and cancer, providing only the stimulating tumour immunity treatment as it has the highest contribution margin, the patients suffering from c cancer and anxiety will not get the services from Bionomics. Further, a company that does not have various contribution margins will not be considered as competitive as compared to other companies in the industry[1]. Resource Constraints of Bionomics The possibility is there that the patients will get some better option for their treatment and will get saturated with the way they are providing services. Therefore, the pressure for providing improved and unique services will be high to maintain the contribution margin. The biggest constrains will be the market competitiveness and obsoleteness of the way they are providing services or treating the patients. Further, the technologies and machineries used for the purpose of treatment may also become the constraints for the company and they may need to upgrade the techniques as well as the machineries to maintain the sustainability. Relevance of the constrains to the decision of selling the product Generally, the major factor will be market condition in which they are operating. The constraint definitely plays an important role in deciding regarding which product is to sell and which is to be discontinued. However, as Bionomics deals in providing services related to various treatments, their decisions will not only depend on the constraints but also on the requirement of the patients and their preferences[2]. References 'Http://Www.Bionomics.Com.Au/' (https://www.bionomics.com.au/, 2017) https://www.bionomics.com.au/ accessed 31 May 2017 'Resource Constraints' (Future Agenda, 2017) https://www.futureagenda.org/insight/resource-constraints accessed 31 May 2017

O Pioneers! Essays - O Pioneers!, Happiness,

O Pioneers! O Pioneers! After reading the novel, O Pioneers!, it was hard to judge whether it was a tragedy or a triumph. I think the answer you are looking for would be a triumph. The only way I see it as a tragedy is that Emil and Maria died. I knew, since page six of the book, that they were destined to be together. It kind of broke my heart to see later on that she had married someone else. But when her and Emil got shot, I thought it may finish as a tragedy. But overall, I would see it as a triumph in the way that the Bergsons finally got what they wanted out of their land. It made them rich. Also, Alexandra and Carl finally married. And being that the whole novel was basically based on the land, they were triumphant in getting what they risked, what they longed for. In my opinion, I think the land broke the characters rather than the characters breaking the land. Of course the characters had to plant and sew the fields, but they did that every year. It took the forever, it seemed like, for the land to break them. Thats what the Bergsons had worked for their whole life. The land pulls the family together and makes them work hard to get what they want,...money, happiness. It makes them happy. So yes, the land does break them more than they break the land. In considering Cathers characters, I dont think they become fully Americanized within a generation. At the beginning of the novel, it seems like they are more in tuned with the rest of America. They are economically stable. But when Carl comes back on his first visit, Lou and Oscar scorn him about burning Wall Street. Obviously, America is building and becoming more advanced. While still in Nebraska, people are relying on their crops to get them by. They are still dwelling on their traits, beliefs, and actions that past generations had. Romantic love in this particular novel is very hard to judge whether it is necessary for human happiness. I dont think that it was meant to be the moral of the story, or that love was the basis of this particular novel, but I do think that after reading this that it was necessary in order to be happy. Of course, in one instance, love did end in heartbreak, desolation, and destruction with the scenario of Emil and Maria. But in every story, there has to be a sad moment or a fatality that occurs. But overall, it seemed like Alexandra wasnt going to be happy unless Carl came back and she could be with him. Also, she acted as if her money didnt make her as happy as he did. Lou and Oscar also had love in their life. They moved away from the land in order to marry. Love took them over, not the land or the desire to be rich. So yes, I do think that love is necessary for human happiness. Physically, I consider the men in the novel to be the strongest. But if you look at what the people in the novel had to overcome, emotionally, I think the women were stronger. Well into the novel, Lou and Oscar wanted to get rid of the land because they didnt believe that it was worth anything. They kind of gave up. But Alexandra, being the strong one of the family, hung in there and convinced them that it would one day be worth a lot more than when they started out. Alexandra, throughout the whole novel had to deal with some big tragedies. Her mother, father and brother dying. Her best friend dying, Carl walking in and out of her life, and having Lou and Oscar on her back all the time. She was made to be the strongest character of all. I found that the women of this novel to be stronger than the men. I never really considered generational values all that important until I read this story. While trying to wear Alexandras shoes, it made me realize that the things we carry on generation after generation keep getting more and more valuable. For example, farming that land meant more to John Bergson than anything it seemed like. He wanted to keep that land for generations to come because he knew it would be worth a good amount. Alexandra wanted to keep the land in order to have a better lifestyle. It seems like today, no one is worried about farming the land in order to survive in the real world. It seems that in reality, people have to go to

Juvenile Crime Control Act essays

Juvenile Crime Control Act essays I chose correctional social work because it is my goal to work within the legal system, mainly with juveniles; perhaps in a detention center or a rehabilitation center for dysfunctional children. Hopefully by researching some legislation in this area, I will be able to gain a greater understanding for how the system works and what to be prepared for in the future. The act that I chose to look at an act that involves the sentencing and housing of juveniles who have committed crimes that would be considered felonies if committed by adults. One of the main reasons I believe that a new policy was needed in this area is that many juvenile offenders are habitual offenders. I feel that stiffer penalties are needed in order to deter many from committing crimes again. Felony crimes such as murder and drug offenses are serious offenses that need to be punished in such a way that nothing of the sort should happen again with that individual. The Juvenile Crime Act of 1997(H.R.3) is a federal bill. Its purpose is to use tough juvenile crime control efforts with overall prevention efforts. It will make it easier for juveniles age 14 and older who commit federal violent crimes or federal drug-trafficking offenses to be tried as adults. The bill also allows for the Justice Department to prosecute teenagers 13 years old who break these laws as adults. The bill requires that states set up a system of records for juveniles who are found guilty of serious crimes that would be considered felonies if committed as adults, equivalent to those maintained for adults who commit felonies and kept on file the same amount of time an adult record would be maintained. Typically, juvenile records are only used when the child is a juvenile. This bill will allow that these records be used in future cases. This bill also ensures that state law does not prevent a judge from holding the parents or guardians of a juvenile offender accountable fo r the juveniles c...

Management Strategy Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Management Strategy - Essay Example This advancement in technology was based on advanced physics principle than simple electro mechanic as the new equipment relied more on microprocessor-based controls than on electromechanical relays and switches. Following the fact that Lincoln has enjoyed the monotony of owning the laser technology for a long time, the company could use this kind of technology to make productions and sales at the expense of other new companies, hence staying ahead of competition. This gave Lincoln their success that any other company did not have as the bars were highly raised for others to pursue. 2. Lincoln electrical, in its endeavors to pursue laser technologies, had no alternative than to master the laser technology/it had to allow some of the equipment to go extremely custom made so as to be able to perform extremely fine tolerances. To be able to a chieve such equipment, Lincoln electrical would have to part with too much money as this equipment was costing considerably too expensive than was any such equipment in the same industry. Therefore, Lincoln electrical had no choice than to master the laser technology and develop a line of products built on it. The implication of this would mean that, Lincoln must have enough expertise in both human resource and resources allocation so as to be able to master the laser technology in its full application. This would mean that, this company would have to look for both the required funds and resources to be able to facilitate this kind of new technology upgrade which would enable them to raise their annual sales as required. The company was then faced with a tough financial conditions as its required financial outlays were unattainable. This was because the firm had to do a thorough research and development in the line of five products, a process that would cost between 5-15 million dollars.

Kelloggs Special K Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3500 words

Kelloggs Special K - Essay Example The company was established at the Battle Creek Toast Corn Flake Company in 1906. It was founded by Will Keith Kellogg to illustrate the increase in his wealth from his work with the brother John Harvey Kellogg at the Battle Creek Sanitarium. The wealth had been created out of sale of Kellogg's Toasted Corn flakes on a huge scale. This led to the renaming of the company into Kellogg Company in 1922 (Kellogg Company, 2011). The strength of the company lies in its world-class innovation abilities. SITUATIONAL ANALYSIS The internal analysis of Kellogg Company is that it focuses on business. Its senior management is aimed at becoming the leader in food retailing industry worldwide. To achieve this, they are empowering their employees and building their brand supported by the integrated focus strategy and operating principles. The foundation of its business lies in its values, its people and its societal commitments. Its core competencies are the skills among the employees that provide th e advantage to the company consisting of the resources available. Kellogg's has far reaching; well defined and clear competences to enable them beat a world’s best. The competences are; it is strategic, functional, and has a corporate ability. It has a flexible structure of organization that fits in the demands and needs of the locals. Kellogg has been developing its image through creating a customer values, customer service efficiency and proper channels of distribution. The Marketing Mix â€Å"Marketing Mix is a well established framework that helps marketers to plan their approach to each market† (Smith. & Chaffey, 2005). Marketing mix of Kellogg’s which is mainly concerned with cereal products, being the major producer of cereal in the world. Consumer wants are fulfilled through the products sold. The current world has consumers that are much more concerned with their health; they tend to buy food products that are healthier especially for their children. Ke llogg’s K special has a range of products that meet the customer demands that are currently higher than expected. They have products that are low in fat, have no preservatives and they have no artificial flavors. There packaging is attractive to children because their mail target is children. Kellogg's supplier power lies under its customers. It poses mainly medium power when purchasing from suppliers. Wheat varies in price because of its extensive force and the cost is passed onto customers of Kellogg’s. Michael Porter’s Five Forces theory states that an industry is influenced by five forces, which are Barriers to Entry, Supplier Power, Buyer Power, Degree of Rivalry and Threat of Substitutes (Kurtz et al., 2009). Kelloggs is not an exception at all and the effect of the forces is evident in its financial as well as managerial reports. Kellogg's product lines are cereals, crackers, cookies, snacks, frozen foods and water. The benefits that a consumer gets are h ealthy products that are standard in nature. The products are manufactured in over 17 countries and are marketed in more than 190 countries according to their annual reports for 2009. The highest consumers are the North America with a 67% margin followed by Europe at 20% then Latin America and Asia Pacific at 8% and 5% respectively. Buyers of Kellogg's products are mostly supermarkets and

Ecological Footprint Reflection (Environmental Sustainability) Term Paper

Ecological Footprint Reflection (Environmental Sustainability) - Term Paper Example In practical approach one’s own personal life style (related to food, mobility or waste) is selected and its ecological footprint is analyzed for four weeks and then reduction strategies (intervention) were employed for that particular life style for the next four weeks. Then a comparison was brought in to see how the reduction strategies affected one’s Ecological foot print. The aim of this project was to analyze baseline food consumption based on calories and the reduction strategy was employed to reduce the calorie intake and to have a healthy diet. The 9th week, which was the first week of intervention failed miserably as that week alone had a large consumption; 1450 ml of alcoholic beverages, 1000ml of ice cream, 1.10 kg of fried chicken, 5 eggs and 4.48 kg of rice put together sums up a large intake of calorie, this high intake was associated to socializing with friends. The following weeks of intervention was more successful as both alcohol and ice cream consumption fell to 500ml each in the 2nd week to nil in the next two weeks for both. Alcohol has a high calorie content of 7 calories per gram and so reduction in alcoholic beverages can have good effect on the ecological footprint. This intervention any way had an effect on the overall alcohol consumption; 2250 ml in baseline tracking (4 weeks) compared to only 1825 ml on application of reduction strategy (4 weeks). At the same time ice-cream consumption was same for both the base line and intervention period. In the meat section the four week reduction strategy helped to reduce consumption of beef from 2.75 kg of initial four weeks (baseline) to 0.80kg and at the same time consumption of pork was reduced from 0.20 to 0.10 kg .Beef provides an enormous amount of calories on an average 250Kcal per 100gram. Pork contains high amount of non healthy fat. The intervention was not successful in reducing consumption of

Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India

Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India Civil society is a term oft-repeated in democratic contexts today. Seen as an essential component of the liberal framework of political structures, it is essentially the space of free association for the masses. India, a multicultural democratic country, boasts of a vibrant civil society. At the same time, it also has accusations of being one of the worst offenders of human and civil liberties of some of its people, in the form of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. This chapter seeks to introduce the motivation, hypothesis, methodology and key concepts of this paper. Introduction The spotlight of global affairs and the ‘march to democracy has been on the Middle East in 2011. Mass rebellions against autocratic, unjust and oppressive regimes have swept the region in a sort of domino-effect swarming hordes of people rose up to replace what seemed no more applicable or tolerable in Tunisia to Tahrir Square in Egypt, in a bid to in-state the only form of governance that allowed ‘power to the people i.e. democracy. This phenomenon has come to the West as a pleasant surprise, that have viewed the Islamic world as essentially subject to notions of conservatism, violence and religion all seen as harbingers of a pre-modern past that the West feels it has left behind for good. â€Å"What is happening in Tunisia and Egypt is the completion of the 1989 revolutions the Egyptians are reclaiming the values of the Solidarnosc and the Civic Forum from the neo-liberals who usurped them The people in Tahrir Square and elsewhere are giving us back the meaning of c ivil society a place where people can talk, discuss and act freely,† says Mary Kaldor , examining the notion of civil society and how it has changed since the last time it was picked up from the annals of a rejected history and reinvented to bring monumental political change in Eastern European states. Closer home, the beginning of summer this year has seen a heated campaign against corruption being driven by a single mans Satyagraha Anna Hazare would definitely qualify as a ‘non-entity even by the modest standards of celebration that Indian civil society activists enjoy. Yet, this army truck driver of the 1960s is today the poster-boy of ‘publicness, coming to symbolise the space for mediation and political interference to bring out moral dividends that is the hallmark of a vibrant democracy. Some have called his actions ‘Gandhian, one of the few attempts at reform emerging from among the non-political that post-independence India has seen, otherwise witnessed only in Irom Sharmilas consistent campaign from Manipur against the travails of militarisation of the north-east region and abuse of power that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 has become synonymous with. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which the Indian government has thought fit to implement in two contexts all the North Eastern states and Jammu Kashmir is arguably among the most contentious legislations of post-Independence India. Said to be based on a 1942 British ordinance intended to contain the Indian independence movement (Quit India movement) during World War II, it was enacted as a short-term measure to allow the deployment of the army in Indias north-eastern Naga Hills but since has been in existence for five decades. It has, since then, also been implemented in Jammu Kashmir which has shown violent separatist aspirations since the late 1980s. The Act has been controversial because of the fact that it gives to the armed forces extended powers of action without accountability, which has led to abuse of power and gross violation of human and civil rights, building around it a sense of impunity. In a democratic framework, this move to retain the sovereign integrity of the Indian state has been vociferously derided by people both within and outside these regions. Even though justifications for the laws existence abound from freedom of operation to existence of provisions for accountability and redress within the armed forces set up, the Act in itself has become a symbol of oppression at the hands of the Indian state and therefore a part of the problem, not the solution. Hypothesis This paper attempts to therefore study civil society in India its role and scope with specific focus on this nugget of legislation that has a strong reference to the case of maintaining or violating civil liberty in a democracy. It seeks to analyse the effectiveness of the Indian democracy in this respect, considering whether ‘power to the people is just another catchphrase or if it goes deeper than that. This researcher is of the view that even though the definition of a modern civil society in a multicultural context as India needs to be revisited, and even though largely (as in the case of the AFSPA) political, military, judicial and legislative action has a will of its own, there is scope for activism and there are voices that get heard. The necessity of such a space of negotiation in a democracy cannot be stressed hard enough. The arbitrariness of power, possible marginalisation of the ‘have-nots and the dilemma of national unity versus individual rights need to be examined in the light of modern liberal rhetoric of freedom and equality that are foundational aspects of the Indian constitution. Methodology The study has used both primary and secondary sources of data along with analysis using both the deductive and inductive methods. I have analyzed government records, media reports, library sources, existing literature on the subject, archival data, think-tank reports as well as spoken / interviewed a few primary sources within the civil society. The study has also use information and experience gathered at symposiums, lectures and workshops related to the topic. It has been largely qualitative in approach, since the issue required an exploration of theory and potential policy-making role of civil society in situations of conflict and civil unrest. Chapterisation The paper shall follow this sequence: the first chapter will examine the trajectory of conceptualisation of civil society in the corpus of philosophy and political studies and its relevance globally as well as in India. The second chapter will elaborate upon the Act, the controversy and the issues surrounding it. In the third chapter, I will look at civil society initiatives regarding this aspect, both in terms of humanitarian redressal and rehabilitation and attempts at political negotiation and policy amendment. It will also look critically at the degree to which these initiatives have worked in mitigating the more negative consequences of the law. The last chapter, in conclusion, will critically analyse the role that civil society has played so far in the dynamics of the Indian democracy and the scope for positive change it contains. The rest of this chapter is dedicated to elaborating on the key concepts of this paper: civil society and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Key Concepts Civil Society: It is crucial to understand what civil society in a changed global context means. Historically, it has been understood to mean the public space that exists between the family and the state that seeks to mitigate the preponderance of individualism as well as the ‘tyranny of the majority. Based on principles of voluntarism, association and pluralism and tolerance, this was an imagination that sought to negotiate with power structures in every context it arose in, whether during industrialisation of England where a new bourgeois class of powerful traders emerged that sought to bargain with the state and the Church for power, or in Eastern Europe of the 1980s where a bid to parlay Communism resulted in associational uprising that stemmed out of sports clubs, trade unions, bars and basements. After 1989, civil society got the rejuvenation that had been missing for the past couple of centuries since Marx and Gramsci had derided it as yet another excuse for state/power domination and co-option of the masses. It has since been taken much more seriously, both academically and in its practical application, although consensus on what it constitutes is hard to come by. However, with democracy becoming the chosen form of ‘correct government, where representation and election to power is ‘by the people, for the people and of the people, civil society assumes new meaning as the arena of civilised battle. There is more to a democracy than public participation through ballot-box approval. This, in a nutshell, could be the motive for a functional civil society.   However, the proprietorship of the West over the concept of civil society is often criticised. By linking it with modernity, it is seen to be a concept both inherently Western and also as the Wests boon to the world. Ernest Gellner paints civil society as the space of the profane that gives freedom to the baser aspects of human beings and their relationships. Having associated it with capitalist liberalism, he posits many upcoming rivals to it such as Islam, Asiatic capitalism, fierce nationalism- leading one to believe that this essentially Western notion is one under threat from more preponderant forces in different parts of the world that do not essentially derive from rationality. Mary Kaldor finds in this a patronising approach of the entire West, evident also in US and Europes response to the upheaval in the Middle East. She observes that there already exists a term for civil society in Arabic Almujtamaa Almadani and therefore finds that the concept has more antiquated roots than otherwise presumed. To offset this overlordism, she says, â€Å"Instead of imposing yet another neo-liberal formula, western countries and institutions should consult the people of the Middle East about how they can help to construct a fairer, more sustainable economy. Instead of giving governments money to buy western weapons, they could discuss with civil society how they could help to restructure the armed forces to provide human security, to establish civilian control over the military, and to convert the substantial military industries to peaceful uses.† Ruminating on the changed idea of civil society, she says disappointedly, â€Å"After 1989, everyone celebrated the idea of civil society. But it was rapidly reduced within the framework of neo-liberal thinking to mean western-supported NGOs who would help to smooth the path of neo-liberal transition.† In the post-Cold War phase, since the world has gone more global, the meaning of civil society has veered towards international-level cooperation and institutionalism, through NGOs, forums, transnational networks of activities to work on a ‘global humanitarian regime. It has now become a buzzword relating to democracies, liberalism, neo-liberalism, anti-war movements, global justice and so on, and thereby is seen as a platform inhabited by activists of all sorts. In the normative sense, civil society is and always has been seen as the arena where consent is generated for and in opposition to concentrated authority. In the descriptive sense, or in considering what all should be included in this realm, lies the tensions should regulatory bodies such as the UN and the World Bank be considered part of civil society? Should one include international NGOs that depend on government funding? Does civil society include religious or ethnic organisations? Does it include militant or sece ssionist organisations that are fighting against an oppressive state or for some defined nationalism? As the concerns that occupy minds in a global world change (such as todays preoccupations include AIDS, landmines, terrorism, nuclear disarmament/disaster, receding water levels etc), the definitions of all realms of society would change too. This paper, taking insights from the corpus of philosophy on the subject, defines civil society as the associational space, lying between the family, state and market, where autonomous individuals voluntarily come together to define and pursue common goals to reap collective benefits. Schmitters definition of civil society, as a set or system of self-organised intermediary groups that: (1) are relatively independent of both public authorities and private units of production and reproduction, that is, of firms and families; (2) are capable of deliberating about and taking collective actions in defence or promotion of their interests or passions; (3) do not seek to replace either state agents or private (re)producers or to accept responsibility fo r governing the polity as a whole; and (4) agree to act within pre-established rules of a civil, i.e. mutually respectful, nature. It is civil society based on the four characteristics of dual autonomy, collective action, nonusurpation and civility that this paper will refer to. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA): The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is a law, enacted by the Parliament of India, to meet violent internal situations created by underground militant outfits to further their illegal and ‘unconstitutional causes. The law was enacted to provide necessary powers and legal support to the Armed forces for carrying out proactive operations against the militants in a highly hostile environment that was threatening the integrity and sovereignty of the Indian nation-state. The Act dates back to September 11, 1958, when the Parliament of India passed the act bestowing more power on the armed forces in â€Å"disturbed areas†. First introduced in the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, the Act was later extended to Jammu and Kashmir as the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 in July 1990. The Act allows an officer of the armed forces to fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in contravention of any law against assembly of five or more persons or possession of deadly weapons, to arrest without a warrant and with the use of necessary force anyone who has committed certain offenses or is suspected of having done so, to enter and search any premise in order to make such arrests. The act also bestows legal immunity to the officials, which means that they cannot be sued or prosecuted. While the law was enacted to mitigate militant action, violence and to quell secessionist tendencies that violated the essence of the Indian union, it has since inception over half a century ago turned into a controversial aspect of governance in the country. An increasing militarisation of areas branded as ‘disturbed and a consequent violation of human rights and civil liberties has resulted in a worsening of conditions in both the regions it has been applied to. Instead of bringing about greater cohesion, or of managing to bring the north-east and Jammu Kashmir peacefully into the fold of the Indian union, the law has become just another reason for the strengthening of secessionist demands. This is in contradiction with the reasoning given for consistent political will to keep the Act in place in the two regions: in a response to the United Nations Human Rights Committee questioning the validity of the AFSPA under the Indian law and in light of Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR, the Attorney General of India responded that the AFSPA is a necessary measure to prevent the secession of the North Eastern states. He said that a response to this agitation for secession in the North East had to be done on a war footing. He argued that the Indian Constitution, in Article 355, made it the duty of the Central Government to protect the states from internal disturbance and that there is no duty under international law to allow secession.â€Å"The shrill rhetoric demanding that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act be repealed, if allowed to hold sway, may drive us deeper into the dark world of both Islamist terror and the Maoist insurgency, † Brigadier S K Chatterji (retd) has warned more recently. The primary issue of controversy here is the violation of human and civil rights. According to a Human Rights Watch report, the act is in violation in the following respects: The right to life is violated by section 4(a) of the AFSPA, which grants the armed forces power to shoot to kill in law enforcement situations without regard to international human rights law restrictions on the use of lethal force. The right to liberty and security of person is violated by section 4(c) of the AFSPA, which fails to protect against arbitrary arrest by allowing soldiers to arrest anyone merely on suspicion that a â€Å"cognizable offence† has already taken place or is likely to take place in the future. Further, the AFSPA provides no specific time limit for handing arrested persons to the nearest police station. The right to remedy is violated by section 6 of the AFSPA, which provides officers who abuse their powers under the AFSPA with immunity from legal accountability. This section of th e AFSPA prohibits even state governments from initiating legal proceedings against the armed forces on behalf of their population without central government approval. Since such a sanction is seldom granted, it has in effect provided a shield of immunity for armed forces personnel implicated in serious abuses. In practice the AFSPA also facilitates violation of the right to be free from torture, and from cruel or degrading treatment. Since the AFSPA provides powers to arrest without warrant and then detain arrested persons for unspecified amounts of time, the armed forces routinely engage in torture and other ill-treatment during interrogation in army barracks. However, the support from within the armed forces and certain other sections of the political and academic circles is strong for the continuance of this act. Northern Army Commander General Jaswal in Jammu Kashmir gave the following reasoning: I would like to say that the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Power Act are very pious to me and I think to entire Indian ArmyWe have religious books, there are certain guidelines which are given there, but all the members of the religion do not follow it, they break it also, does it imply that you remove the religious book or you remove this chap. My take on it is to find someone guilty, take him to task, but dont touch this pious document or provision of the Armed Forces Special Power Act giving the similarity to religious book.† In the past couple of months Army has argued that without the Act it will not be able to launch proactive operations. The Army will also not be able to use force except in self-defence and not have powers to destroy ammunition dumps and IEDs. The army also says that a majority of human rights abuse cases are found to be false and those found true have been severely dealt with. Human rights activists have however contended time and again that the Act gives excessive powers to the soldiers. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has said in recent past that there is a need to revoke the Act since it is prone to abuse. One of the grounds that the citizens have stated is that the people arrested or otherwise detained should be allowed to plead their case under section 130 and 131 of the Criminal Code. The Article 21 of the Constitution also gets violated in the process. In spite of the various cases filed and protests initiated there has been no revocation or dialogue towards the same. The issue revolving the AFSPA is that the principle of national integrity and sovereignty is in direct conflict with the liberal democratic frameworks of human rights and the civil society has the potential to the site for this negotiation. This is the premise under which the rest of this paper seeks to examine how the civil society and the Indian state have sought to deal with the AFSPA. CIVIL SOCIETY This Chapter seeks to chart the history of philosophy on civil society, in political sciences and social sciences. It will then look at civil society in India specifically, in todays context, and some of the major criticisms levelled against the concept and its real-time manifestation. Civil Society: The Concept At the abstract level, civil society has historically been conceptualised as a mediating space between the family, state and recently, also separate from the market. It is the site of association, voluntariness and community engagement, set apart from the politics and compulsions of the state as well as the individuality and liberty of the family. Bruce Sievers identifies seven strands that go into the making of civil society: nonprofit and voluntary institutions, individual rights, rule of law, the common good, philanthropy, freedom of expression and tolerance. Emerging in the context of the 18th century industrialisation rampant in Europe that gave rise to a new class of bourgeoisie and the new ideas of utilitarianism and capitalism, civil society gets inextricably linked with libertarian ideals that seek to carve out spaces for autonomous action in every individual and societal aspect.   â€Å"A ‘civil society was civilized and ordered by the rule of law. Unlike tribal so ciety, it was also large-scale and held together by impersonal bonds of interest rather than ties of kin and blood. It was also, to a degree some found frightening, a self-correcting mechanism in which the selfish actions of myriad individuals, brought together only by the rule of law, managed to produce an orderly and dynamic accumulation of prosperity unprecedented in human history,† observes Michael Ignatieff The importance of social engagement and principle of tolerance have only gained more importance in a globalised world that is characterised by multi-cultural, multi-ethnic nations. Robert Putnam identifies civic engagement, dense networks of interaction, political equality, solidarity, trust and tolerance and a strong associational life as crucial to the generation of ‘social capital the resource that could help to facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit in societies. He says that networks of civic engagement foster norms of generalised reciprocity, encourage the emergence of social trust, facilitate communication, collaboration and therefore collective action on common dilemmas and endorse the idea of collective benefits. Through its history, a number of philosophers have vouched for and expanded upon this realm of an advanced society. Alexis de Tocqueville , in Democracy in America, says that Americas answer to the problem of limiting the absolutist state was to have a constitution defined in law and protected by a counterbalancing force of independent bodies. These were the local associations of citizens acting together in the affairs of daily life. This was a civil society engaged in politics, voluntary by nature. His idea of civil society was based in the observation of an absolute sovereignty of the majority, but this principle, which could just as well turn into a tyranny of the majority, was also mitigated through a non-centralised frame of governance that set importance to localised chains of command and responsibility. Civicness emerged in America, he observed, through the relentless formation of associations: â€Å"Americans of all ages, all stations in life, and all types of disposition ar e forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different typesreligious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. . . . Nothing, in my view, deserves more attention than the intellectual and moral associations in America.† Civil Society, for Hegel , is the site that lies between the Family and the State in the Ethical Life, as described in his Philosophy of Right. It is the site where the ‘determination of particularity as per individual rights is given free rein, but which has to acquire a mantle of universality for the rights to become acquirable or even legitimate, so to speak. Here, therefore, are two elements: the concrete person who is out to pursue self-interest and personal motive, and the form of universality, or the generation of common motive, through forming bonds and finding over-lapping areas of interest. A particular end, therefore, assumes the form of universality through this relation to other people, and it is attained in the simultaneous attainment of the welfare of others. It has three dimensions: the system of needs, the administration of justice and the police and the corporation. The system of needs refers to the generation of ‘universal human capital through human beings exceptional capacity to generate needs and spot commonness with others and then to satisfy those needs through work and labour. A single persons particularity of interest can be recognised if he manages to associate himself with one sphere of the needs. The administration of justice is the principle of rightness that becomes universally known through a public legal code. Not only does this embed within the principle of freedom in both subjective individual and universal platforms, it also makes wrongdoing an infringement on the people that live within such an ethical life. The polizei, then, is the bearer and the guardian of this publicly generated and accepted principles of right, the public authority that also looks after public utilities and regulation activities as well. The corporation, on the other hand, is the arrangement whereby common interests are brought to fore through voluntary association as in sports or religious clubs etc. All these aspects together form the civil society for Hegel, the space where freedom of self-interest is allowed to reign but within the limits of the principle of universality.   Antonio Gramsci, however, had a more critical view of civil society, from a Marxist vantage point. He saw civil society not as the benign space that afforded a voice and power to the masses, but as an instrument of domination linked in an unholy alliance with the bourgeois elements in the civil society seeking to protect propertied interests . He was also convinced that the intricate, organic relationships between civil society and political society enable certain strata of society not only to gain dominance within the state but also, and more importantly, to maintain it, perpetuating the subalternity of other strata. In other words, the site of hegemony was civil society it was the arena wherein the ruling class extends and reinforces its power by non-violent means through components such as the press, the libraries, schools, associations and clubs that could all become media for propaganda and homogenisation of the masses. The state and the civil society in his purview are inextri cably linked, which only facilitates subordination by the state without coercion, focussing instead on ‘manufacturing consent. However, he does acknowledge the potential of civil society as a site for breeding revolutions and for newer ‘conceptions of the world to take place. However, the manifestation of this fairly utopian concept is fraught with tensions and dichotomies. Ernest Gellner, in Conditions of Liberty, analyses the role of civil society in the Marxist, socialist and capitalist frameworks and has also assessed post-modern rivals to it that have emerged, such as Islam. The Eastern European states found the concept of civil society useful in gaining independence from a Communist stronghold precisely because of the possibility here for mobilisation of the masses in opposition to totalitarian militarist regimes. Through meetings of trade unions, religious groups, bars etc, the emphasis was on autonomy, self-organisation and withdrawal from the state to create islands of civic engagement for the emergence of a ‘parallel polis. For Gellner, a civil society was â€Å"a profane society, a society that explicitly sought to put the lowest of human desires to productive uses. Mandevilles paradox private vices make public virtues naturalized the profane by demonstrating that â€Å"capitalist individuals were more likely to promote the public good when they looked exclusively to their private interest.† He found the Marxist, and therefore the socialist strain of civil society, that stressed on driving religion out of life and also investing the economic with the ultimate sacredness, as faulty for it denied space to the profane, the self-interest and avarice of human nature that could be harnessed and channelled into collective action. With the ‘disenchantment of the world that comes with modernity and its powerful agencies of science and capitalism came the advent of ‘the modular man    who associates voluntarily with other prototypes, giving rise to a Gesellschaft, the inorganic form of social bonding, through fostered ties, rather than a Gemeinschaft, the organic community based on ties of blood and kin. â€Å"The genius of capitalist civil society is that it not only harnesses our profane energies, b ut relieves us of the moral burden of thinking of them as profane. In so doing, it relieves us of the strain of constant longing for unattainable self-transcendence in desperate simulations of paradise,† says Ignatieff. He also observes that liberty in civil society is essentially negative because there cannot be, in principle, agreement among human beings about the positive ends of political communities, beyond the protection of the liberties of the individuals who compose it. If people seek to overcome their own alienation and separateness, they can do so only as individuals or in voluntary groups. Civil society, then, becomes crucial for maintaining checks and balances, says Ignatieff. The realms of politics, economics and culture are neatly segregated, and power in any one domain does not endow power in another. The society is free, acting through a vibrant media and elected representatives, all functioning within the ambit of law. â€Å"Needless to say, no civil society has ever lived up to this goalyet the formal promise is more than hypocrisy: it remains the standard against which civil society judges itself and from which it finds renewed impetus to reform.† In this sense, civil society, albeit being a flawed ideal, also has the potential for redeeming itself simply by virtue of being embedded in the notion of reform, of itself as well as of society, simply by virtue of allowing private trajectories of interest being followed.   Despite changing meanings, civil societys core rests in a rule-governed society based on the consent of individuals. The ‘social contract that Hobbes defined is another way of understanding the liberal ideas behind the conception of civil society through different phases, civil society can be seen as the process or the space through which different individuals negotiate, argue, struggle against or agree with each other and with the centres of political and economic authority. The element of autonomy, voluntariness and collective action through association remain hallmarks through all definitions of the term. Civil Society in India: It would seem natural that civil society, as has been described and conceptualised above is an integral part of a democracy, with its accompanying notions of equality, public participation, and masses-oriented governance. Robert Post and Nancy Rosenblum describe a consensus among contemporary theorists â€Å"that democracy depends on the particularist, self-determining associations of civil society, where independent commitments, interests, and voices, are developed . Civil society is the precondition for democratic decision making, whether democracy is conceived as deliberation or as interest group pluralism, and this is true even if the goal of democracy is to transcend particularism and arrive at uncoerced agreement or a common will.† According to Joerg Forbrig, a vibrant and functional civil society can contribute to strengthening a democracy in five ways: control of state power through the incorporation of a body of laws, individual rights and thereby becoming a space that overlooks the relationship between the pr Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India Analysis of the Armed Special Forces Act 1943 in India Civil society is a term oft-repeated in democratic contexts today. Seen as an essential component of the liberal framework of political structures, it is essentially the space of free association for the masses. India, a multicultural democratic country, boasts of a vibrant civil society. At the same time, it also has accusations of being one of the worst offenders of human and civil liberties of some of its people, in the form of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. This chapter seeks to introduce the motivation, hypothesis, methodology and key concepts of this paper. Introduction The spotlight of global affairs and the ‘march to democracy has been on the Middle East in 2011. Mass rebellions against autocratic, unjust and oppressive regimes have swept the region in a sort of domino-effect swarming hordes of people rose up to replace what seemed no more applicable or tolerable in Tunisia to Tahrir Square in Egypt, in a bid to in-state the only form of governance that allowed ‘power to the people i.e. democracy. This phenomenon has come to the West as a pleasant surprise, that have viewed the Islamic world as essentially subject to notions of conservatism, violence and religion all seen as harbingers of a pre-modern past that the West feels it has left behind for good. â€Å"What is happening in Tunisia and Egypt is the completion of the 1989 revolutions the Egyptians are reclaiming the values of the Solidarnosc and the Civic Forum from the neo-liberals who usurped them The people in Tahrir Square and elsewhere are giving us back the meaning of c ivil society a place where people can talk, discuss and act freely,† says Mary Kaldor , examining the notion of civil society and how it has changed since the last time it was picked up from the annals of a rejected history and reinvented to bring monumental political change in Eastern European states. Closer home, the beginning of summer this year has seen a heated campaign against corruption being driven by a single mans Satyagraha Anna Hazare would definitely qualify as a ‘non-entity even by the modest standards of celebration that Indian civil society activists enjoy. Yet, this army truck driver of the 1960s is today the poster-boy of ‘publicness, coming to symbolise the space for mediation and political interference to bring out moral dividends that is the hallmark of a vibrant democracy. Some have called his actions ‘Gandhian, one of the few attempts at reform emerging from among the non-political that post-independence India has seen, otherwise witnessed only in Irom Sharmilas consistent campaign from Manipur against the travails of militarisation of the north-east region and abuse of power that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 has become synonymous with. The Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which the Indian government has thought fit to implement in two contexts all the North Eastern states and Jammu Kashmir is arguably among the most contentious legislations of post-Independence India. Said to be based on a 1942 British ordinance intended to contain the Indian independence movement (Quit India movement) during World War II, it was enacted as a short-term measure to allow the deployment of the army in Indias north-eastern Naga Hills but since has been in existence for five decades. It has, since then, also been implemented in Jammu Kashmir which has shown violent separatist aspirations since the late 1980s. The Act has been controversial because of the fact that it gives to the armed forces extended powers of action without accountability, which has led to abuse of power and gross violation of human and civil rights, building around it a sense of impunity. In a democratic framework, this move to retain the sovereign integrity of the Indian state has been vociferously derided by people both within and outside these regions. Even though justifications for the laws existence abound from freedom of operation to existence of provisions for accountability and redress within the armed forces set up, the Act in itself has become a symbol of oppression at the hands of the Indian state and therefore a part of the problem, not the solution. Hypothesis This paper attempts to therefore study civil society in India its role and scope with specific focus on this nugget of legislation that has a strong reference to the case of maintaining or violating civil liberty in a democracy. It seeks to analyse the effectiveness of the Indian democracy in this respect, considering whether ‘power to the people is just another catchphrase or if it goes deeper than that. This researcher is of the view that even though the definition of a modern civil society in a multicultural context as India needs to be revisited, and even though largely (as in the case of the AFSPA) political, military, judicial and legislative action has a will of its own, there is scope for activism and there are voices that get heard. The necessity of such a space of negotiation in a democracy cannot be stressed hard enough. The arbitrariness of power, possible marginalisation of the ‘have-nots and the dilemma of national unity versus individual rights need to be examined in the light of modern liberal rhetoric of freedom and equality that are foundational aspects of the Indian constitution. Methodology The study has used both primary and secondary sources of data along with analysis using both the deductive and inductive methods. I have analyzed government records, media reports, library sources, existing literature on the subject, archival data, think-tank reports as well as spoken / interviewed a few primary sources within the civil society. The study has also use information and experience gathered at symposiums, lectures and workshops related to the topic. It has been largely qualitative in approach, since the issue required an exploration of theory and potential policy-making role of civil society in situations of conflict and civil unrest. Chapterisation The paper shall follow this sequence: the first chapter will examine the trajectory of conceptualisation of civil society in the corpus of philosophy and political studies and its relevance globally as well as in India. The second chapter will elaborate upon the Act, the controversy and the issues surrounding it. In the third chapter, I will look at civil society initiatives regarding this aspect, both in terms of humanitarian redressal and rehabilitation and attempts at political negotiation and policy amendment. It will also look critically at the degree to which these initiatives have worked in mitigating the more negative consequences of the law. The last chapter, in conclusion, will critically analyse the role that civil society has played so far in the dynamics of the Indian democracy and the scope for positive change it contains. The rest of this chapter is dedicated to elaborating on the key concepts of this paper: civil society and the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Key Concepts Civil Society: It is crucial to understand what civil society in a changed global context means. Historically, it has been understood to mean the public space that exists between the family and the state that seeks to mitigate the preponderance of individualism as well as the ‘tyranny of the majority. Based on principles of voluntarism, association and pluralism and tolerance, this was an imagination that sought to negotiate with power structures in every context it arose in, whether during industrialisation of England where a new bourgeois class of powerful traders emerged that sought to bargain with the state and the Church for power, or in Eastern Europe of the 1980s where a bid to parlay Communism resulted in associational uprising that stemmed out of sports clubs, trade unions, bars and basements. After 1989, civil society got the rejuvenation that had been missing for the past couple of centuries since Marx and Gramsci had derided it as yet another excuse for state/power domination and co-option of the masses. It has since been taken much more seriously, both academically and in its practical application, although consensus on what it constitutes is hard to come by. However, with democracy becoming the chosen form of ‘correct government, where representation and election to power is ‘by the people, for the people and of the people, civil society assumes new meaning as the arena of civilised battle. There is more to a democracy than public participation through ballot-box approval. This, in a nutshell, could be the motive for a functional civil society.   However, the proprietorship of the West over the concept of civil society is often criticised. By linking it with modernity, it is seen to be a concept both inherently Western and also as the Wests boon to the world. Ernest Gellner paints civil society as the space of the profane that gives freedom to the baser aspects of human beings and their relationships. Having associated it with capitalist liberalism, he posits many upcoming rivals to it such as Islam, Asiatic capitalism, fierce nationalism- leading one to believe that this essentially Western notion is one under threat from more preponderant forces in different parts of the world that do not essentially derive from rationality. Mary Kaldor finds in this a patronising approach of the entire West, evident also in US and Europes response to the upheaval in the Middle East. She observes that there already exists a term for civil society in Arabic Almujtamaa Almadani and therefore finds that the concept has more antiquated roots than otherwise presumed. To offset this overlordism, she says, â€Å"Instead of imposing yet another neo-liberal formula, western countries and institutions should consult the people of the Middle East about how they can help to construct a fairer, more sustainable economy. Instead of giving governments money to buy western weapons, they could discuss with civil society how they could help to restructure the armed forces to provide human security, to establish civilian control over the military, and to convert the substantial military industries to peaceful uses.† Ruminating on the changed idea of civil society, she says disappointedly, â€Å"After 1989, everyone celebrated the idea of civil society. But it was rapidly reduced within the framework of neo-liberal thinking to mean western-supported NGOs who would help to smooth the path of neo-liberal transition.† In the post-Cold War phase, since the world has gone more global, the meaning of civil society has veered towards international-level cooperation and institutionalism, through NGOs, forums, transnational networks of activities to work on a ‘global humanitarian regime. It has now become a buzzword relating to democracies, liberalism, neo-liberalism, anti-war movements, global justice and so on, and thereby is seen as a platform inhabited by activists of all sorts. In the normative sense, civil society is and always has been seen as the arena where consent is generated for and in opposition to concentrated authority. In the descriptive sense, or in considering what all should be included in this realm, lies the tensions should regulatory bodies such as the UN and the World Bank be considered part of civil society? Should one include international NGOs that depend on government funding? Does civil society include religious or ethnic organisations? Does it include militant or sece ssionist organisations that are fighting against an oppressive state or for some defined nationalism? As the concerns that occupy minds in a global world change (such as todays preoccupations include AIDS, landmines, terrorism, nuclear disarmament/disaster, receding water levels etc), the definitions of all realms of society would change too. This paper, taking insights from the corpus of philosophy on the subject, defines civil society as the associational space, lying between the family, state and market, where autonomous individuals voluntarily come together to define and pursue common goals to reap collective benefits. Schmitters definition of civil society, as a set or system of self-organised intermediary groups that: (1) are relatively independent of both public authorities and private units of production and reproduction, that is, of firms and families; (2) are capable of deliberating about and taking collective actions in defence or promotion of their interests or passions; (3) do not seek to replace either state agents or private (re)producers or to accept responsibility fo r governing the polity as a whole; and (4) agree to act within pre-established rules of a civil, i.e. mutually respectful, nature. It is civil society based on the four characteristics of dual autonomy, collective action, nonusurpation and civility that this paper will refer to. The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (AFSPA): The Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is a law, enacted by the Parliament of India, to meet violent internal situations created by underground militant outfits to further their illegal and ‘unconstitutional causes. The law was enacted to provide necessary powers and legal support to the Armed forces for carrying out proactive operations against the militants in a highly hostile environment that was threatening the integrity and sovereignty of the Indian nation-state. The Act dates back to September 11, 1958, when the Parliament of India passed the act bestowing more power on the armed forces in â€Å"disturbed areas†. First introduced in the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, the Act was later extended to Jammu and Kashmir as the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990 in July 1990. The Act allows an officer of the armed forces to fire upon or otherwise use force, even to the causing of death, against any person who is acting in contravention of any law against assembly of five or more persons or possession of deadly weapons, to arrest without a warrant and with the use of necessary force anyone who has committed certain offenses or is suspected of having done so, to enter and search any premise in order to make such arrests. The act also bestows legal immunity to the officials, which means that they cannot be sued or prosecuted. While the law was enacted to mitigate militant action, violence and to quell secessionist tendencies that violated the essence of the Indian union, it has since inception over half a century ago turned into a controversial aspect of governance in the country. An increasing militarisation of areas branded as ‘disturbed and a consequent violation of human rights and civil liberties has resulted in a worsening of conditions in both the regions it has been applied to. Instead of bringing about greater cohesion, or of managing to bring the north-east and Jammu Kashmir peacefully into the fold of the Indian union, the law has become just another reason for the strengthening of secessionist demands. This is in contradiction with the reasoning given for consistent political will to keep the Act in place in the two regions: in a response to the United Nations Human Rights Committee questioning the validity of the AFSPA under the Indian law and in light of Article 4 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, ICCPR, the Attorney General of India responded that the AFSPA is a necessary measure to prevent the secession of the North Eastern states. He said that a response to this agitation for secession in the North East had to be done on a war footing. He argued that the Indian Constitution, in Article 355, made it the duty of the Central Government to protect the states from internal disturbance and that there is no duty under international law to allow secession.â€Å"The shrill rhetoric demanding that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act be repealed, if allowed to hold sway, may drive us deeper into the dark world of both Islamist terror and the Maoist insurgency, † Brigadier S K Chatterji (retd) has warned more recently. The primary issue of controversy here is the violation of human and civil rights. According to a Human Rights Watch report, the act is in violation in the following respects: The right to life is violated by section 4(a) of the AFSPA, which grants the armed forces power to shoot to kill in law enforcement situations without regard to international human rights law restrictions on the use of lethal force. The right to liberty and security of person is violated by section 4(c) of the AFSPA, which fails to protect against arbitrary arrest by allowing soldiers to arrest anyone merely on suspicion that a â€Å"cognizable offence† has already taken place or is likely to take place in the future. Further, the AFSPA provides no specific time limit for handing arrested persons to the nearest police station. The right to remedy is violated by section 6 of the AFSPA, which provides officers who abuse their powers under the AFSPA with immunity from legal accountability. This section of th e AFSPA prohibits even state governments from initiating legal proceedings against the armed forces on behalf of their population without central government approval. Since such a sanction is seldom granted, it has in effect provided a shield of immunity for armed forces personnel implicated in serious abuses. In practice the AFSPA also facilitates violation of the right to be free from torture, and from cruel or degrading treatment. Since the AFSPA provides powers to arrest without warrant and then detain arrested persons for unspecified amounts of time, the armed forces routinely engage in torture and other ill-treatment during interrogation in army barracks. However, the support from within the armed forces and certain other sections of the political and academic circles is strong for the continuance of this act. Northern Army Commander General Jaswal in Jammu Kashmir gave the following reasoning: I would like to say that the provisions of the Armed Forces Special Power Act are very pious to me and I think to entire Indian ArmyWe have religious books, there are certain guidelines which are given there, but all the members of the religion do not follow it, they break it also, does it imply that you remove the religious book or you remove this chap. My take on it is to find someone guilty, take him to task, but dont touch this pious document or provision of the Armed Forces Special Power Act giving the similarity to religious book.† In the past couple of months Army has argued that without the Act it will not be able to launch proactive operations. The Army will also not be able to use force except in self-defence and not have powers to destroy ammunition dumps and IEDs. The army also says that a majority of human rights abuse cases are found to be false and those found true have been severely dealt with. Human rights activists have however contended time and again that the Act gives excessive powers to the soldiers. Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has said in recent past that there is a need to revoke the Act since it is prone to abuse. One of the grounds that the citizens have stated is that the people arrested or otherwise detained should be allowed to plead their case under section 130 and 131 of the Criminal Code. The Article 21 of the Constitution also gets violated in the process. In spite of the various cases filed and protests initiated there has been no revocation or dialogue towards the same. The issue revolving the AFSPA is that the principle of national integrity and sovereignty is in direct conflict with the liberal democratic frameworks of human rights and the civil society has the potential to the site for this negotiation. This is the premise under which the rest of this paper seeks to examine how the civil society and the Indian state have sought to deal with the AFSPA. CIVIL SOCIETY This Chapter seeks to chart the history of philosophy on civil society, in political sciences and social sciences. It will then look at civil society in India specifically, in todays context, and some of the major criticisms levelled against the concept and its real-time manifestation. Civil Society: The Concept At the abstract level, civil society has historically been conceptualised as a mediating space between the family, state and recently, also separate from the market. It is the site of association, voluntariness and community engagement, set apart from the politics and compulsions of the state as well as the individuality and liberty of the family. Bruce Sievers identifies seven strands that go into the making of civil society: nonprofit and voluntary institutions, individual rights, rule of law, the common good, philanthropy, freedom of expression and tolerance. Emerging in the context of the 18th century industrialisation rampant in Europe that gave rise to a new class of bourgeoisie and the new ideas of utilitarianism and capitalism, civil society gets inextricably linked with libertarian ideals that seek to carve out spaces for autonomous action in every individual and societal aspect.   â€Å"A ‘civil society was civilized and ordered by the rule of law. Unlike tribal so ciety, it was also large-scale and held together by impersonal bonds of interest rather than ties of kin and blood. It was also, to a degree some found frightening, a self-correcting mechanism in which the selfish actions of myriad individuals, brought together only by the rule of law, managed to produce an orderly and dynamic accumulation of prosperity unprecedented in human history,† observes Michael Ignatieff The importance of social engagement and principle of tolerance have only gained more importance in a globalised world that is characterised by multi-cultural, multi-ethnic nations. Robert Putnam identifies civic engagement, dense networks of interaction, political equality, solidarity, trust and tolerance and a strong associational life as crucial to the generation of ‘social capital the resource that could help to facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit in societies. He says that networks of civic engagement foster norms of generalised reciprocity, encourage the emergence of social trust, facilitate communication, collaboration and therefore collective action on common dilemmas and endorse the idea of collective benefits. Through its history, a number of philosophers have vouched for and expanded upon this realm of an advanced society. Alexis de Tocqueville , in Democracy in America, says that Americas answer to the problem of limiting the absolutist state was to have a constitution defined in law and protected by a counterbalancing force of independent bodies. These were the local associations of citizens acting together in the affairs of daily life. This was a civil society engaged in politics, voluntary by nature. His idea of civil society was based in the observation of an absolute sovereignty of the majority, but this principle, which could just as well turn into a tyranny of the majority, was also mitigated through a non-centralised frame of governance that set importance to localised chains of command and responsibility. Civicness emerged in America, he observed, through the relentless formation of associations: â€Å"Americans of all ages, all stations in life, and all types of disposition ar e forever forming associations. There are not only commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but others of a thousand different typesreligious, moral, serious, futile, very general and very limited, immensely large and very minute. . . . Nothing, in my view, deserves more attention than the intellectual and moral associations in America.† Civil Society, for Hegel , is the site that lies between the Family and the State in the Ethical Life, as described in his Philosophy of Right. It is the site where the ‘determination of particularity as per individual rights is given free rein, but which has to acquire a mantle of universality for the rights to become acquirable or even legitimate, so to speak. Here, therefore, are two elements: the concrete person who is out to pursue self-interest and personal motive, and the form of universality, or the generation of common motive, through forming bonds and finding over-lapping areas of interest. A particular end, therefore, assumes the form of universality through this relation to other people, and it is attained in the simultaneous attainment of the welfare of others. It has three dimensions: the system of needs, the administration of justice and the police and the corporation. The system of needs refers to the generation of ‘universal human capital through human beings exceptional capacity to generate needs and spot commonness with others and then to satisfy those needs through work and labour. A single persons particularity of interest can be recognised if he manages to associate himself with one sphere of the needs. The administration of justice is the principle of rightness that becomes universally known through a public legal code. Not only does this embed within the principle of freedom in both subjective individual and universal platforms, it also makes wrongdoing an infringement on the people that live within such an ethical life. The polizei, then, is the bearer and the guardian of this publicly generated and accepted principles of right, the public authority that also looks after public utilities and regulation activities as well. The corporation, on the other hand, is the arrangement whereby common interests are brought to fore through voluntary association as in sports or religious clubs etc. All these aspects together form the civil society for Hegel, the space where freedom of self-interest is allowed to reign but within the limits of the principle of universality.   Antonio Gramsci, however, had a more critical view of civil society, from a Marxist vantage point. He saw civil society not as the benign space that afforded a voice and power to the masses, but as an instrument of domination linked in an unholy alliance with the bourgeois elements in the civil society seeking to protect propertied interests . He was also convinced that the intricate, organic relationships between civil society and political society enable certain strata of society not only to gain dominance within the state but also, and more importantly, to maintain it, perpetuating the subalternity of other strata. In other words, the site of hegemony was civil society it was the arena wherein the ruling class extends and reinforces its power by non-violent means through components such as the press, the libraries, schools, associations and clubs that could all become media for propaganda and homogenisation of the masses. The state and the civil society in his purview are inextri cably linked, which only facilitates subordination by the state without coercion, focussing instead on ‘manufacturing consent. However, he does acknowledge the potential of civil society as a site for breeding revolutions and for newer ‘conceptions of the world to take place. However, the manifestation of this fairly utopian concept is fraught with tensions and dichotomies. Ernest Gellner, in Conditions of Liberty, analyses the role of civil society in the Marxist, socialist and capitalist frameworks and has also assessed post-modern rivals to it that have emerged, such as Islam. The Eastern European states found the concept of civil society useful in gaining independence from a Communist stronghold precisely because of the possibility here for mobilisation of the masses in opposition to totalitarian militarist regimes. Through meetings of trade unions, religious groups, bars etc, the emphasis was on autonomy, self-organisation and withdrawal from the state to create islands of civic engagement for the emergence of a ‘parallel polis. For Gellner, a civil society was â€Å"a profane society, a society that explicitly sought to put the lowest of human desires to productive uses. Mandevilles paradox private vices make public virtues naturalized the profane by demonstrating that â€Å"capitalist individuals were more likely to promote the public good when they looked exclusively to their private interest.† He found the Marxist, and therefore the socialist strain of civil society, that stressed on driving religion out of life and also investing the economic with the ultimate sacredness, as faulty for it denied space to the profane, the self-interest and avarice of human nature that could be harnessed and channelled into collective action. With the ‘disenchantment of the world that comes with modernity and its powerful agencies of science and capitalism came the advent of ‘the modular man    who associates voluntarily with other prototypes, giving rise to a Gesellschaft, the inorganic form of social bonding, through fostered ties, rather than a Gemeinschaft, the organic community based on ties of blood and kin. â€Å"The genius of capitalist civil society is that it not only harnesses our profane energies, b ut relieves us of the moral burden of thinking of them as profane. In so doing, it relieves us of the strain of constant longing for unattainable self-transcendence in desperate simulations of paradise,† says Ignatieff. He also observes that liberty in civil society is essentially negative because there cannot be, in principle, agreement among human beings about the positive ends of political communities, beyond the protection of the liberties of the individuals who compose it. If people seek to overcome their own alienation and separateness, they can do so only as individuals or in voluntary groups. Civil society, then, becomes crucial for maintaining checks and balances, says Ignatieff. The realms of politics, economics and culture are neatly segregated, and power in any one domain does not endow power in another. The society is free, acting through a vibrant media and elected representatives, all functioning within the ambit of law. â€Å"Needless to say, no civil society has ever lived up to this goalyet the formal promise is more than hypocrisy: it remains the standard against which civil society judges itself and from which it finds renewed impetus to reform.† In this sense, civil society, albeit being a flawed ideal, also has the potential for redeeming itself simply by virtue of being embedded in the notion of reform, of itself as well as of society, simply by virtue of allowing private trajectories of interest being followed.   Despite changing meanings, civil societys core rests in a rule-governed society based on the consent of individuals. The ‘social contract that Hobbes defined is another way of understanding the liberal ideas behind the conception of civil society through different phases, civil society can be seen as the process or the space through which different individuals negotiate, argue, struggle against or agree with each other and with the centres of political and economic authority. The element of autonomy, voluntariness and collective action through association remain hallmarks through all definitions of the term. Civil Society in India: It would seem natural that civil society, as has been described and conceptualised above is an integral part of a democracy, with its accompanying notions of equality, public participation, and masses-oriented governance. Robert Post and Nancy Rosenblum describe a consensus among contemporary theorists â€Å"that democracy depends on the particularist, self-determining associations of civil society, where independent commitments, interests, and voices, are developed . Civil society is the precondition for democratic decision making, whether democracy is conceived as deliberation or as interest group pluralism, and this is true even if the goal of democracy is to transcend particularism and arrive at uncoerced agreement or a common will.† According to Joerg Forbrig, a vibrant and functional civil society can contribute to strengthening a democracy in five ways: control of state power through the incorporation of a body of laws, individual rights and thereby becoming a space that overlooks the relationship between the pr